Louise Levathes’ When China Ruled the Seas reveals several aspects about the Ming dynasty, particularly the political system that fell victim to internal conflicts and thereby limiting the potential of the enormous navy at the time. Under the leadership of Zhu Di, and the naval command of Admiral Zheng He, we can see how the Chinese junk armadas helped establish a trade empire that far exceeded any other navy in the world. Although this could have led to significant riches, internal conflicts within the government, particularly between the eunuchs and Confucian scholars, resulted in the vast fleet becoming neglected, and the potential of a vast empire being thwarted by political rivalries.

At the heart of the internal political conflicts were differences in opinion between the eunuchs and Confucian scholars on how China should engage with the outside world. On one hand, the eunuchs supported mercantilism; they advocated for an expansion of trade with foreign nations, and saw potential economic value in exploration. On the other hand, the Confucian scholars sought to establish taxes that would help pay for Chinese infrastructure and public works, and they preferred that China remain isolated. Rather than focusing on exploration and commerce, the Confucian scholars believed that agriculture should be the primary industry and focus of government spending.

The two political ideologies play out in the text through a description of two primary leaders: Zhu Di, who expanded the navy and sided with the eunuchs; and his successor, his son Gaozhi, who strongly believed in Confucianism. Under Zhu Di’s leadership, there was a significant growth in Chinese mercantilism; during the seven major voyages, which are discussed in the text, the Chinese opened trade with regions as far away as Indonesia and Africa. This brough new economic gains and exotic goods. With the growing interest in trade, the Chinese developed a massive junk fleet that served as a navy which could protect its trading interests. This fleet grew so powerful that China appeared on the verge of establishing a colonial empire, if it had chosen to do so. This would have put China at the forefront of international diplomacy, and its feet would have been bigger than the Spanish and British navies that emerged a century later.

However, after Zhu Di’s death in 1424, Chinese leadership fell to his son, who did not share his father’s enthusiasm. As a devoted Confucianist, Gaozhi sought to undo many of the policies that his father had enacted. Rather than seek to engage with the outside world, Gaozhi returned China to isolationist policies, preferring not to engage with the outside world and perceiving many other civilizations and cultures as barbaric. In an extreme move, Gaozhi defunded the navy, which was perhaps China’s main connection to the outside world. This would set China on a course of focusing on agriculture and engaging in isolationist policies, which have historically continued in China until very recently.

What the book highlights is how different ideologies can result in very different histories; the prevailing question one has after reading this text is wondering what could have happened if Gaozhi had shared his father’s ideology. If China had established a colonial empire, and sought to continue a tradition of international commerce and exploration, the world would most likely be very different today. There is a distinct possibility that the Chinese, and not Europeans, may have been the first to colonize the Americas. China might also have sought to expand outside its immediate borders, so this could have changed how modern day Asia appears as well. Overall, the book is interesting as it shows how changes in policy can have significant impacts on the direction of history.